Can Capitalism Survive? by BENJAMIN A ROGGE

By BENJAMIN A ROGGE

Benjamin A Rogge - past due special Professor of Political economic climate at Wabash university - used to be a consultant of that almost all strange species: economists who converse and write in transparent English. He forsakes specialist jargon for readability and common sense - and will also be downright humorous. the 19 essays during this quantity discover the philosophy of freedom, the character of economics, the company process, labour markets, cash and inflation, the issues of towns, schooling, and what needs to be performed to make sure the survival of unfastened associations and capitalism.

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By BENJAMIN A ROGGE

Benjamin A Rogge - past due special Professor of Political economic climate at Wabash university - used to be a consultant of that almost all strange species: economists who converse and write in transparent English. He forsakes specialist jargon for readability and common sense - and will also be downright humorous. the 19 essays during this quantity discover the philosophy of freedom, the character of economics, the company process, labour markets, cash and inflation, the issues of towns, schooling, and what needs to be performed to make sure the survival of unfastened associations and capitalism.

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In fact, my central thesis is that the most important part of the case for economic freedom is not its vaunted efficiency as a system for organizing resources, not its dramatic success in promoting economic growth, but rather its consistency with certain fundamental moral principles of life itself. I say, "the most important part of the case" for two reasons. First, the significance I attach to those moral ! The Case/or Economic Freedom • 41 principles would lead me to prefer the free enterprise system even if it were demonstrably less efficient than alternative systems, even if it were to produce a slower rate of economic growth than systems of central direction and control.

To the libertarian, or at least to Ben Rogge, the "politics of confrontation" is neither peaceful as a means nor acceptable as an end, if the end is what it so often seems to be, the imposing of a minority view on the majority by what amounts to blackmail. "Give in to my demands and I'll leave your office; throw me off your property and you are guilty of breaking the peace. " To the libertarian this is nonsense and very dangerous nonsense indeed. The goal of the victory of persuasion over force in human affairs can hardly be well served by what amounts to the use of force.

Next, I believe each man to be ultimately responsible for what happens to him. True, he is influenced by his heredity, his environment, his subconscious, and by pure chance. But I insist that precisely what makes man man is his ability to rise above these influences, to The Case ]or Economic Freedom • 43 change and determine his own destiny. If this be true, then it follows that each of us is terribly and inevitably and forever responsible for everything he does. " I believe as well that man is imperfect, now and forever.

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